英语开学演讲范文（精选12篇）

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英语开学演讲范文（精选12篇）

下面是小编整理的英语开学演讲范文，本文共12篇，欢迎大家阅读分享借鉴，欢迎大家分享。

英语开学演讲范文

篇1：英语经典演讲

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.

To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

篇2：英语经典演讲

Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.

I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.

In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.

Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.

This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.

We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.

My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.

With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.

We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.

My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,

“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”

The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.

Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.

My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.

But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.

Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.

I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.

To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.

To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “AIDS” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.

God bless the children, and God bless us all.

Good night.

篇3：英语经典演讲

Good evening, my fellow citizens，

This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.

I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

Thank you very much.

篇4：开学演讲心得

各位老师、各位同学：

大家好！

金色九月，阳光明媚，秋风送爽。在这个收获的季节，我们伴着秋天的脚步带着憧憬，带着希望迎来了新学年的开学典礼。

今秋是一个盛载收获的季节，也是一个充满希望的'季节，共有多名各年级新同学带着家长的嘱托，满怀信心的走入了我们的校门，你们为和谐的校园带来了喜庆、带来了欢乐、带来了青春和希望。我谨代表学校向你们表示热烈的欢迎和衷心的祝贺，欢迎你们成为包信中心校本部的一员，祝贺你们走上了人生成长的新阶段。

老师们，同学们，在过去的一年里，学校的校园面貌与环境设施得到了很大改善，这与同学们的刻苦努力，老师们的辛勤劳动密不可分。但这只能代表过去，今天的进步，是昨天追求的结果，更是明天追求的起点。新学期，我们有新的起点，新的目标，我相信我们也一定会有新的收获。我们要用自己的智慧之花，丰硕的果实来充实我们的人生。我们要用我们辛勤的汗水，来描绘明天，创造新的辉煌，这是我们每位师生共同的心愿。

同学们，美好的开端是成功的一半，在新的学期，愿我们全校同学一起努力。“宝剑锋从磨砺出，梅花香自苦寒来。”让我们用初一培养起的毅力一步一步渡过难关；“一寸光阴一寸金。”我们应该更好的支配时间，做时间的主人。我们要树立起自己远大的理想，并为之努力、奋斗。但我要提醒你们，努力的结果并不重要，重要的是我们追逐的过程。我们的学校，我们的

班级，决不会放弃任何一个人，我们一定会手拉着手，肩并着肩，共渡难关。

老师们，同学们，新的希望、新的挑战在迎接着我们，未来的美好蓝图等待我们用勤劳和智慧去描绘，我衷心希望每一位老师、每一位同学都能以满腔的热情、高度的责任感、昂扬的精神投入新学期的工作、学习中去。用我们的实干精神、拼搏进取精神去创造学校的辉煌发展。

最后，再祝各位老师身体健康，工作顺利，祝各位同学学习更上一层楼！

篇5：新学期开学演讲

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好!

度过喜悦、祥和、幸福的寒假，踏着春天的脚步，迎着和煦的春风，带着新的心情、新的希望、新的目标我们又步入了一个新的学期，开始求知生涯中的又一个里程碑。今天我们隆重举行新学期开学典礼，在此，我代表学校全体教师向同学们表示亲切的问候!

春天是播种的季节，只有春天播下希望的种子，秋天才会换来丰硕的成果。同学经过寒假的休息和调整，体力得到了恢复，视野得到了开阔，知识得到了补充，精力将更加充沛，斗志将更加高昂。

新学期我们面临新的机遇与新挑战，俗话说：“良好的开端等于成功的一半。怎样争取新学期有一个良好的开端，在这里，我向同学们提几点建议：

第一，将快乐学习视为搞好学习的前提，把学习当成人生的乐趣。

一个人成功与否，决定的因素很多。作为学生的成功最根本的是学习。学习要快乐学习，要快乐思考，综合起来，才会有创新。快乐学习，抓紧时间读书。一边读书，一边思考，让自己的大脑活跃起来，丰富起来。用前人的经验来充实自己，先学习前人，然后发展前人，最后才有自己的发现和创造。快乐学习，在不断的学习中发现、研究和创新，才能使自己更加聪明起来。才能为日后走向社会、融入社会、服务社会，打下宽厚扎实的基础。更重要的是快乐学习，可以在学习中解除自己的疑惑，在学习中增长见识，获取更多的信息，让视野更开阔，让思路更敏捷，让心灵更充实，让自己更有智慧，从而实现自己的理想。

篇6：新学期开学演讲

尊敬的老师们、亲爱的同学们：

大家好！带着暑假生活轻松愉快的美好回忆，怀着对新学期新生活的热切向往，我们又回到了宁静的校园, 满怀信心地站在新学年的起跑线上。

今天，我校全体师生欢聚在一起，隆重举行—新学年的开学典礼。在这激动人心的时刻，首先我代表学校领导，全体教职员工，向新入我校的名老师及余名七年级新生表示诚挚的欢迎！同时又值教师节来临之际，向辛勤工作、乐于奉献，为我校发展作出贡献的全体教职员工致以崇高的敬意！向努力学习、奋发向上，为学校争光添彩的全体同学表示亲切的问候！姚村中学是一所历史悠久，享誉全区的乡镇初级中学，有着优良的办学传统和丰富的文化积淀，以其严格规范的管理制度、健康向上的文明环境、敬业爱岗的教师队伍，赢得了学生、家长的普遍认可和社会的广泛赞誉。在过去的一年里，我们学校在改革中求发展，在发展中求创新，校领导班子和教师队伍建设迈上了新台阶；发扬求真务实、争创一流的精神，在教育教学、硬件提升、德育工作、教学研究、校园文化建设等方面都取得了可喜的成绩，谱写了学校发展史上的新篇章,深受上级领导以及社会各界的好评，学校社会声誉和形象得到了极大的提升，教育教学质量更是稳居全区前茅。

老师们、同学们，过去的成绩固然喜人，但创业维艰，守成不易。新的学年，孕育着新的希望和憧憬，也面临着新的机遇和挑战，我们的目标是：全校上下紧紧围绕“塑造新形象，打造新自我”的目标，继续深化“以质量推动发展，以文化提升品位”的办学思路，持续开展“争创文明班级，争当文明学生”的活动，巩固办学成果，着力内涵提升，扎实工作，稳中求进，实现学校新的发展跨越。

为此，在新学期开始之际，我希望老师们要树立“品牌意识”，积极向“名师”看齐。每一位老师要恪尽职守、严于律己、爱校如家，努力为学校增光添彩；要不断提高自身的知识素养、人文素养、师德素养，争做学习型、发展型、研究型的老师；要关心爱护学生，一切为了学生、为了一切学生，做一个业务水平高、社会声誉高、自身形象好的名师。同时，我也向各个年级的同学提出一些希望：

初一同学步入中学，这是人生历程中的一个新起点，也是一个十分关键的重要阶段。古

人说：“合抱之木，始于毫末。”希望你们尽快适应初中学习知识密度大、坡度陡的特点，以自立、自主、自觉的态度认真上好每一节课，迅速进入状态。在这里我送你们一句话：“今天努力拼搏，他日谁与争锋”。我们就应该有这样的学习精神和雄心壮志。

初二同学，你们处于初中承前启后的年级，是人生思想形成的重要时期。你们的学业已经进入了知识和能力大幅度提升的关键时刻，因为初中的大部分教学内容是在初二年级进行的。希望每位同学反思自己上一年的学习方式，总结成功与不足，重新定位，继续奋斗！送你们一句话：“流血流汗不流泪，掉皮掉肉不掉队”。

初三毕业班的同学们，你们是等待破茧的蛹，是准备接受6月洗礼的海燕，是将要在考场上实现理想的战士!你们已经等待了整整8个春秋，承载着学校和家长的希望，今天该是你们开始冲刺的时候了。人生能有几回搏，这是你们人生的关键一搏。我要送你们的话是：“天道酬勤，勤能补拙，拼搏一年，海阔天空”。希望你们明确目标，稳扎稳打，超越自我，耐住寂寞，分秒必争，舍我其谁，在明年6月绽放自己的精彩，为母校再续华章！

老师们，同学们，新的学期已经拉开序幕，新的希望、新的挑战在迎接着我们，未来的美好蓝图等待我们用勤劳和智慧去描绘，我衷心希望每一位老师、每一位同学都能以饱满的精神、昂扬的斗志，最佳的状态，投入新学年的工作、学习中去，用我们的踏实肯干精神、拼搏进取精神，去共同创造姚村中学明天的辉煌！

谢谢大家！篇二：春季新学期开学典礼校长致辞

2016春季新学期开学典礼校长致辞

各位老师，亲爱的同学们！早晨好！

有人说，“努力”与“成功”是人生一左一右的两道风景。但我以为，人生最美的风景应该是努力。努力是人生的一种精神状态，是对生命的一种赤子之情。

我们常说，失败是成功之母！其实，准确地说，努力才是成功之母，成功是努力之子。只要我们一心努力，前途就会无比敞亮，人生就能四通八达！所以，与其规定自己一定要成为一个什么样的人物，获得什么东西，不如磨练自己做一个努力的人。因为，一个人的志向再高，如果不努力，志向终将成为空中楼阁；即使一个人暂时没有远大目标，但因为努力，终将会找到奋斗的方向。

所以，做一个努力的人，可以说是人生最切合实际的目标，是人生的大境界、大格局！许多人因为给自己定的目标太高太功利，因为难以成功而变得灰头土脸，最终灰心失望。究其原因，往往就是因为太关注成功和拥有，而忽略做一个努力的.人。也就是说，一个人要想取得成功，既要仰望星空，更要脚踏实地！

所以，一个人只是一味地关注自己将来出“人头地”，不把努力和付出、不把意志品质的磨练作为一个做人的目标提出来，最终只能使自己堕落为狭隘、自私、脆弱和境界不高的人！成功只能是镜花水月！

曾听一位专家的讲座，有一句话记忆特别深刻。他说，现在回想一下你年轻时的经历，能够使你后悔的，不是因为你做了某些事，恰恰相反，让你后悔的往往是因为当初你没做的某些事。

古人说，少壮不努力，老大徒伤悲！

也许是我们从小听到太多“善意的提醒”，于是处处小心翼翼，这也不敢做，那也不敢做，总是担心说错话，做错事，即使有了创新的念头，也不去行动。以至于在机会面前

也退却，连尝试的勇气都没有。于是，人生像一杯平淡无味的白开水，在避免失败的同时，也与成功擦肩而过。

同学们，你们正处在青春绽放的美好人生阶段。做一个努力的人，就是要趁着我们青春年少的美好时光，刻苦学习，奋发有为！努力，努力，再努力！宁愿做过也不要错过，决不

让自己的人生留下遗憾和伤悲！

确实，一个敢作敢为、努力去实现自己人生梦想的人，他的人生一定是多姿多彩的。敢于去做的人天天都能接触新事物，天天都能发现新事物，他的人生阅历就随着他的见识而多起来，年老时回首当年尝试过的新鲜事仍然历历在目。尝试过人生中的每一道菜，真是不枉此生了！

当然，每个人都希望所做的事情能够成功，但是失败常常不可避免，于是我们便后悔去做了。换个角度想，即使失败，我们不也能从中学得经验吗？我们做一件事时，无法预知结果如何，但只要我们尽力而为，不论是输是赢，必定可以从这次经验中获得一些积极的启示！努力，就蕴含着转机；不努力，永远只能在路上；努力，可能会遗憾；不努力，只会永远遗憾。

如果可以重来，有许多事情，我一定会努力去做，无论成功还是失败，但只要努力去尝试过，只要尽到了自己的努力，这样的人生就不会后悔！

最后，我要对初三年级全体师生说，离中考时间6月14日满打满算只有112天（其中包括34天节假日），这112天是非常珍贵的黄金时间，希望同学们在老师的指导下，科学利用好这112天，周密计划，补缺补差，努力学习，为自己、为父母、为老师、为母校交出一份满意的答卷！

浓浓的年味尚存，祝老师们在新的一年身体健康、家庭幸福！祝同学们通过自己的努力付出取得成功！

谢谢大家！

篇7：新学期开学演讲

亲爱的老师们、同学们：

大家新年好！2015在我们的悠闲和快乐中翩翩而来，我想大家和我一样都对新的一年有着许多憧憬，怀着更多美好的愿望。是啊，谁能不愿自己有更多的本领？谁能不渴望更美好的生活？那么，你有没有把自己的新年愿望写在纸上，贴在床边，并愿意在这一年中时时对照、步步进取，期许自己无数次因为实现愿望而欢欣雀跃？

老师们，同学们，千里之行，始于足下，要想获得成功的喜悦，必须为了愿望的实现付出脚踏实地的努力。不管是在校园里抢乒乓球台，还是考试或参加其他比赛，面对竞争，每个人的机会是均等的。如果你想获得机会，就要动脑筋想办法，善于抓住机遇，更要珍惜时间，善于战胜自我，才能实现人生的一个个理想。如果你能发挥个性优势，全面发展加特长，必然更具竞争优势。如果失败了，要跟自己说没关系，我还有无数的机会，只有勇于承受挫折，勇于战胜困难，才能真正立于不败之地。

俗话说，“成人成才成杰，首先成人。”有德有才，才叫人才。希望同学们都做有道德的人、热爱祖国的人，个个成为有益于社会和人民的人。只有品德端正，你才能赢得别人的尊重，你获得的所有成功才能得到大家的承认，你才能心安，才能坦坦荡荡地生活在这个世界上。

每天，老师们在校园里都能遇到许多主动跟老师问好的学生，许多主动捡起操场上垃圾的学生，许多静静读书、工整练字的学生，许多整齐列队、认真做课间操的学生，许多快乐游戏、公平竞争的学生，许多知书达理、才艺超群的学生。看到他们，我就觉得我们的学校是那样美好，我们的生活充满希望！

又开学了，我想起了台湾作家龙应台写给儿子安德烈的一段话：“孩子，我要求你读书用功，不是因为我要你跟别人比成绩，而是，我希望你将来会拥有选择的权利，选择有意义、有时间的工作，而不是被迫谋生。当你的工作在你心中有意义，你就有成就感。当你的工作给你时间，不剥夺你的生活，你就有尊严。成就感和尊严，给你快乐。”

老师们！同学们！让我们扬起理想的风帆，荡起智慧的双桨，起航破浪！让我们辛勤耕耘，为了将来拥有更多选择的权利、为了捍卫自己的尊严，为了创造更多的成就感,加油！

篇8：北京大学开学演讲

亲爱的同学们：

大家上午好!

时值九月,燕园初识。

首先，请允许我代表全校教职员工，向各位新同学，表示最热烈的欢迎!向培养你们，伴随你们一路走过的父母、老师和同学、朋友们表示最诚挚的问候和衷心的感谢!

在祝贺同学们高考取得优异成绩的同时，我也向你们致以最美好的祝愿!祝愿你们在未来的大学生活中取得更大的进步，开启人生更加绚烂美好的新旅程!

同学们，最近这段时间，我在北大未名bbs上看见不少新同学在自己的院版上发各种各样的“报到帖”，询问在北大学习、生活的情况。

从这些帖子中我能真切地感受到，大家迫切渴望及早融入北大的心情。

我知道，其实同学们在接到北大录取通知书时，就已经在预习北大的生活。

对北大，从朦胧的憧憬，到成真的梦想，再到今天真实的感受，我不知道这“北大”是不是就是你们梦中的“北大”，心中的“北大”!

看过校园的湖光塔影、略过浩如烟海的典籍，站在学术名师的身旁，再去细细体味北大百余年的历史传统和精神特质……大学生活，从此开始了。

此时此刻，我想你们都已经做好了充分的准备!前几天，我在报纸上看到今年医学部一位新生写的文章，他写到“站在通向大学生活的大门外，我有些茫茫然不知所措。

”当被爸爸妈妈“裹挟着”来到校园，他问自己：“我已经站在目标的中心了，我还能去哪儿?”但偶尔听到两位学长关于学习、考试的对话后，他感受到：“高考并不是结束，而是另一段征程的开始。

”他明白：选择北大，“尽管有太多的人说我不明智，太多的人说会很辛苦，太多的人说永远就不会有好日子过。

但是，既然我如此选择，就不会放弃。

在这段旅途中，我会努力成为一个好大夫，努力将医生的责任熔铸进血液中。”

同学们，这位同学现在就应该坐在你们当中，我想大家都和他经过同样的心路历程吧。

让我们为他，也为自己一起鼓鼓掌吧!

同学们，来到北大，这是你们长期努力的结果，可以说是你们人生中收获的一个“成功”!但是，过好大学生活，同样容不得你们一丝的松懈。

我不希望有同学在大学中迷失自己，我更不希望看到曾是骄子的你们，因为自己的不努力而掉队!大家身处一个美好的时代，享有北大优秀的教学资源，希望同学们珍惜好、利用好。

我希望大家成为不懈追求新知的探索者。

追求新知、发明新理，以知识和文明引领社会的进步与发展，永远是北京大学孜孜不懈的理想追求，也永远是一代代北大人恪守的光荣传统。

我们的老校长严复先生曾说，大学要“保存一切高尚之学术，以崇国家之文化”;李大钊先生曾高呼，“只有学术上的发展，值得作大学的纪念。

只有学术上的建树，值得‘北京大学万万岁’的欢呼!”对于本科生而言，我希望大家能从高中阶段的“学会”转变到大学阶段的“会学”，倍加珍惜学校为你们提供的优质资源，充分体悟北大的学术精神，养成善于观察、勇于探索、敢于创新的学术品格，为将来的学术深造打好基础。

研究生则更要义不容辞地担负起科学研究的重任。

你们要努力锻造探究高深学问的知识基础和素质能力，要始终保有强烈的求知欲、敏锐的洞察力和宝贵的批判精神，不迷信书本、不盲从权威，以扎扎实实的“笨功夫”，不断积累、丰富和创新，在取得自己学业进步的同时，也为北京大学的学术繁荣和人类社会的学术发展作出贡献。

关于如何在大学阶段做学问、做研究，我还想讲讲蔡元培校长的格言。

蔡元培先生当年总结了古今中外许多学术大家的共同经历，提出了“闳约深美”的学术境界。

19，蔡元培先生手书“闳约深美”四个字，送给了上海美术专门学校。

时任上海美专校长的著名绘画大师刘海粟先生非常赞同其中所包含的学术精神，将其作为办学思想的核心，并对“闳约深美”作了一番解释：“‘闳’就是知识要广阔;‘约’就是在博采的基础上加以慎重的选择，吸收对自己有用的东西，人生有限、知识无穷，不能把摊子铺得太大，以便学有专长;‘深’就是钻研精神，要入虎穴，得虎子，百折不回;‘美’就是最后达到完美之境”。

同学们，今天我借用蔡元培校长提出的这四个字，就是希望大家既要融会贯通各个知识领域的内容，又要选择自己最感兴趣也最为擅长的一两个方面进行探索;既要穷本及源地探求新知，又要充分享受学术的乐趣。

只有这样，才能将兴趣转化为求学路上的不竭动力，激励我们不断创新。

我还希望大家成长为先进文化的践行者和推动者。

大家这几天可能都看到了，我们的校园目前有许多楼宇在建。

硬件设施的不断完善，是北大建设发展的重要方面，也与同学们的切身利益息息相关。

但是，在物质条件不断改善的同时，我更希望我们北大的学生关心、关注精神文化层面的丰富与充实。

我希望同学们首先成为校园文化的建设者。

来到北大，你们就是校园的主人。

北大的优秀传统和精神特质会影响着你，塑造着你，但同时也要在你们的身上继续发扬;北大的`学术品格和学风校风，要在你们的身上得到最充分的展现;北大校园文化生活的舞台要由你们去无限的丰富;北大的对外交流和影响也离不开你们的贡献。

你们就代表着北大，希望你们无愧于“北大”这个称号!我还希望同学们能够成为文明生活的践行者。

东汉有一少年名叫陈蕃，独居一室而龌龊不堪。

其父之友薛勤批评他。

他回答说：“大丈夫处世，当扫除天下，安事一屋?”薛勤当即反驳道：“一屋不扫，何以扫天下?”我希望同学们有“扫天下”的气概和抱负，我同时也希望大家从一屋始，养成个人良好的生活习惯。

《礼记?学记》中有一句话“独学而无友，则孤陋而寡闻。”同学们之间要建立起良好的同学关系。

要由己及人，仁爱待人。

生活中“勿以恶小而为之，勿以善小而不为。”同学们要注重思想的修养、道德的提升和法律的意识。

我们看到学术不端、品性不良，看到社会的违法或是不道德行为，我们应通过自己的努力，如果不能作为一个改造者，至少不能成为一个参与者。

当然，我更希望我们的同学还是要努力成为先进文化的引领者。

希望大家用先进的思想文化武装自己，用全球开放的视野拓展自己，用高尚的道德情操塑造自己，通过自己的努力，为人类文明、社会进步做出北大人应有的贡献!

最后，我要特别强调的是，希望大家成为心系祖国苍生的担当者。

一百多来年，北大对民族解放、国家发展、文化繁荣和社会进步发挥着不可替代的推动作用。

在北京大学110多年的发展历史上，涌现出大批卓越的思想家、理论家、科学家、教育家和革命家。

这里有李大钊、陈独秀、毛泽东等老一辈革命家工作过的足迹，曾是冯友兰、陈岱孙、翦伯赞、王力等著名人文学者和李四光、黄昆、王选等著名科学家多年工作的地方;这里有邓稼先、郭永怀、周光召、彭桓武、于敏、朱光亚等“两弹一星”元勋们奋斗过的身影，更有一大批正在为祖国的教育和科研事业不懈努力的优秀学者。

这些先贤与师长以实际行动告诉我们：只有将自己的才智、才情与才华，同祖国和人民的事业紧密结合起来，学术才有意义，人生才有意义，才能真正配得起“北大人”的光荣称号。

我希望同学们都好好读读北大的校史，认真体悟北京大学“爱国、进步、民主、科学”的精神传统，并将北大人长久以来对于使命的担当牢记心头，成为此后流淌于你们血脉之中永远不变的品格;当你们面临人生选择、经历困苦挫折之时，都始终铭记自己肩头的责任，书写一段无愧、无悔、无怨的人生。

希望同学们始终抱有强烈的社会责任感和历史使命感，将追求科学真理与服务国家民族相结合，秉承中国知识分子“先天下之忧而忧”的崇高情怀，牢记xx“向实践学习、向人民群众学习”的教诲，真正把自己锻造成为国家社会的栋梁之才。

同学们，你们中的一些人，在过去的四年或更长的时间里就已经求学北大，早已熟悉这个园子里的一草一木;而更多的同学，则是经历了高考、考研和考博的艰辛历程，终于在今天成为了北大的新主人。

无论是“初入燕园”还是“曾经北大”，看着你们意气风发的样子，我都能感受到一种强烈的青春气息。

二十多天前，深圳世界大学生运动会上，全球各国大学生朝气蓬勃的面孔让我印象深刻;今天在这里，我更感受到与当时同样强烈的青春气息。

我知道，这是属于青年人独有的精神气质，是一种充满朝气、充满希望、能够改变世界和创造历史的澎湃力量!

“从这里开始,不一样的精彩。”同学们，请珍惜你们这最美好的大学时光,尽最大努力,去创造你们下一个崭新的辉煌!

祝福大家!

谢谢大家!

篇9：北京大学开学演讲

可以说，北大是改变了我一生的地方，是提升了我自己的地方，使我从一个农村孩子最后走向了世界的地方。

毫不夸张地说，没有北大，肯定就没有我的今天。

北大给我留下了一连串美好的回忆，大概也留下了一连串的痛苦。

正是在美好和痛苦中间，在挫折、挣扎和进步中间，最后找到了自我，开始为自己、为家庭、为社会能做一点事情。

学生生活是非常美好的，有很多美好的回忆。

我还记得我们班有一个男生，每天都在女生的宿舍楼下拉小提琴，(笑声)希望能够引起女生的注意，结果后来被女生扔了水瓶子。

我还记得我自己为了吸引女生的注意，每到寒假和暑假都帮着女生扛包。

(笑声、掌声)后来我发现那个女生有男朋友，(笑声)我就问她为什么还要让我扛包，她说为了让男朋友休息一下(笑声、掌声)。

我也记得刚进北大的时候我不会讲普通话，全班同学第一次开班会的时候互相介绍，我站起来自我介绍了一番，结果我们的班长站起来跟我说：“俞敏洪你能不能不讲日语?”(笑声)我后来用了整整一年时间，拿着收音机在北大的树林中模仿广播台的播音，但是到今天普通话还依然讲得不好。

人的进步可能是一辈子的事情。

在北大是我们生活的一个开始，而不是结束。

有很多事情特别让人感动。

比如说，我们很有幸见过朱光潜教授。

在他最后的日子里，是我们班的同学每天轮流推着轮椅在北大里陪他一起散步。

(掌声)每当我推着轮椅的时候，我心中就充满了对朱光潜教授的崇拜，一种神圣感油然而生。

所以，我在大学看书最多的领域是美学。

因为他写了一本《西方美学史》，是我进大学以后读的第二本书。

为什么是第二本呢?因为第一本是这样来的，我进北大以后走进宿舍，我有个同学已经在宿舍。

那个同学躺在床上看一本书，叫做《第三帝国的兴亡》。

所以我就问了他一句话，我说：“在大学还要读这种书吗?”他把书从眼睛上拿开，看了我一眼，没理我，继续读他的书。

这一眼一直留在我心中。

我知道进了北大不仅仅是来学专业的，要读大量大量的书。

你才能够有资格把自己叫做北大的学生。

(掌声)所以我在北大读的第一本书就是《第三帝国的兴亡》，而且读了三遍。

后来我就去找这个同学，我说：“咱们聊聊《第三帝国的兴亡》”，他说：“我已经忘了。”(笑声)

我也记得我的导师李赋宁教授，原来是北大英语系的主任，他给我们上《新概念英语》第四册的时候，每次都把板书写得非常的完整，非常的美丽。

永远都是从黑板的左上角写起，等到下课铃响起的时候，刚好写到右下角结束。

(掌声)我还记得我的英国文学史的老师罗经国教授，我在北大最后一年由于心情不好，导致考试不及格。

我找到罗教授说：“这门课如果我不及格就毕不了业。”，罗教授说：“我可以给你一个及格的分数，但是请你记住了，未来你一定要做出值得我给你分数的事业。”(掌声)所以，北大老师的宽容、学识、奔放、自由，让我们真正能够成为北大的学生，真正能够得到北大的精神。

当我听说许智宏校长对学生唱《隐形的翅膀》的时候，我打开视频，感动得热泪盈眶。

因为我觉得北大的校长就应该是这样的。

(掌声)

我记得自己在北大的时候有很多的苦闷。

一是普通话不好，第二英语水平一塌糊涂。

尽管我高考经过三年的努力考到了北大——因为我落榜了两次，最后一次很意外地考进了北大。

我从来没有想过北大是我能够上学的地方，她是我心中一块圣地，觉得永远够不着。

但是那一年，第三年考试时我的高考分数超过了北大录取分数线七分，我终于下定决心咬牙切齿填了“北京大学”四个字。

我知道一定会有很多人比我分数高，我认为自己是不会被录取的。

没想到北大的招生老师非常富有眼光，料到了三十年后我的今天。

(掌声)但是实际上我的英语水平很差，在农村既不会听也不会说，只会背语法和单词。

我们班分班的时候，五十个同学分成三个班，因为我的英语考试分数不错，就被分到了a班，但是一个月以后，我就被调到了c班。

c班叫做“语音语调及听力障碍班”。

(笑声)

我也记得自己进北大以前连《红楼梦》都没有读过，所以看到同学们一本一本书在读，我拼命地追赶。

结果我在大学差不多读了八百多本书，用了五年时间(掌声)。

但是依然没有赶超上我那些同学。

我记得我的班长王强是一个书癖，现在他也在新东方，是新东方教育研究院的院长。

他每次买书我就跟着他去，当时北大给我们每个月发二十多块钱生活费，王强有个癖好就是把生活费一分为二，一半用来买书，一半用来买饭菜票。

买书的钱绝不动用来买饭票。

如果他没有饭菜票了就到处借，借不到就到处偷。

(笑声)后来我发现他这个习惯很好，我也把我的生活费一份为二，一半用来买书，一半用来买饭菜票，饭票吃完了我就偷他的。

(笑声掌声)

毫不夸张地说，我们班的同学当时在北大，真是属于读书最多的班之一。

而且我们班当时非常地活跃，光诗人就出了好几个。

后来挺有名的一个诗人叫西川，真名叫刘军，就是我们班的。

(掌声)我还记得我们班开风气之先，当时是北大的优秀集体，但是有一个晚上大家玩得高兴了，结果跳起了贴面舞，第二个礼拜被教育部通报批评了。

那个时候跳舞是必须跳得很正规的，男女生稍微靠近一点就认为违反风纪。

所以你们现在比我们当初要更加幸福一点。

不光可以跳舞，而且可以手拉手地在校园里面走，我们如果当时男女生手拉手在校园里面走，一定会被扔到未名湖里，所以一般都是晚上十二点以后再在校园里面走。

(笑声掌声)

我也记得我们班五十个同学，刚好是二十五个男生二十五个女生，我听到这个比例以后当时就非常的兴奋(笑声)，我觉得大家就应该是一个配一个。

没想到女生们都看上了那些外表英俊潇洒、风流倜傥的男生。

像我这样外表不怎么样，内心充满丰富感情、未来有巨大发展潜力的，女生一般都看不上。

(笑声掌声)

我记得我奋斗了整整两年希望能在成绩上赶上我的同学，但是就像刚才吕植老师说的，你尽管在中学高考可能考得很好，是第一名，但是北大精英人才太多了，你的前后左右可能都是智商极高的同学，也是各个省的状元或者说第二名。

所以，在北大追赶同学是一个非常艰苦的过程，尽管我每天几乎都要比别的同学多学一两个小时，但是到了大学二年级结束的时候我的成绩依然排在班内最后几名。

非常勤奋又非常郁闷，也没有女生来爱我安慰我。

(笑声)这导致的结果是，我在大学三年级的时候得了一场重病，这个病叫做传染性侵润肺结核。

当时我就晕了，因为当时我正在读《红楼梦》，正好读到林黛玉因为肺结核吐血而亡的那一章，(笑声)我还以为我的生命从此结束，后来北大医院的医生告诉我现在这种病能够治好，但是需要在医院里住一年。

我在医院里住了一年，苦闷了一年，读了很多书，也写了六百多首诗歌，可惜一首诗歌都没有出版过。

从此以后我就跟写诗结上了缘，但是我这个人有丰富的情感，但是没有优美的文笔，所以终于没有成为诗人。

后来我感到非常的庆幸，因为我发现真正成为诗人的人后来都出事了。

我们跟当时还不太出名的诗人海子在一起写过诗。

后来他写过一首优美的诗歌，叫做《面朝大海，春暖花开》，我们每一个同学大概都能背。

后来当我听说他卧轨自杀的时候，嚎啕大哭了整整一天。

从此以后，我放下笔，再也不写诗了。

(掌声)

篇10：斯坦福开学演讲

又是一年开学季，下面为大家带来的是斯坦福的开学演讲，一起来看看。

What Are You Going to Do With That?

我的题目提出的问题，当然，是一个经典的面向人文科学的专业所提出的问题：学习文学、艺术或哲学能有什么实效价值?你肯定纳闷，我为什么在以科技闻名的斯坦福提出这个问题呢?大学学位当然是给人们带来众多的机会，这还有什么需要质疑的吗?

但那不是我提出的问题。这里的“做”并不是指工作，“那”也不是指你的专业。我们的价值不仅仅是我们的工作，教育的意义也不仅仅是让你学会你的专业。

教育的意义大于是上大学的意义，甚至大于你从幼儿园到研究生院的所接受的所有正规学校教育的意义。

我说的“你要做什么”的意思是你要过什么样的生活?我所说的“那”指的是你得到的正规或非正规的任何训练，那些把你送到这里来的东西，你在学校的剩余时间里将要做的任何事。

你是如何从活泼能干的19岁年轻人，变成了只想一件事的40岁中年人?

我们不妨先来讨论你是如何考入斯坦福的吧。你能进入这所大学说明你在某些技能上非常出色。你的父母在你很小的时候就鼓励你追求卓越。他们送你到好学校，老师的鼓励和同伴的榜样作用激励你更努力地学习。

专业化的问题是它只能让你成为专家，切断你与世界上其他任何东西的联系，不仅如此，还切断你与自身其他潜能的联系。当然，作为大一新生，你的专业才刚刚开始。

在你走向所渴望的成功之路的过程中，进入斯坦福是你踏上的众多阶梯中的一个。再读三年大学，三五年法学院或医学院或研究型博士，然后再干若干年住院实习生或博士后或者助理教授。总而言之，进入越来越狭窄的专业化轨道。

你可能从政治学专业的学生变成了律师或者公司代理人，再变成专门研究消费品领域的税收问题的公司代理人。你从生物化学专业的学生变成了博士，再变成心脏病学家，再变成专门做心脏瓣膜移植的心脏病医生。

我再强调一下，你这么做当然没有什么错。只不过，在你越来越深入地进入这个轨道后，再想回忆你最初的样子就越发困难了。你开始怀念那个曾经谈钢琴和打曲棍球的人，思考那个曾经和朋友热烈讨论人生和政治以及在课堂内容的人在做什么。那个活泼能干的19岁年轻人已经变成了只想一件事的40岁中年人。难怪年长的人总是显得那么乏味无趣。“哎，我爸爸曾经是非常聪明的人，但他现在除了谈论钱和肝脏外再无其他。”

还有另外一个问题，就是或许你从来就没有想过当心脏病医生，只是碰巧发生了而已。随大流最容易，这就是体制的力量。我不是说这个工作容易，而是说做出这种选择很容易。或者，这些根本就不是自己做出的选择。

你来到斯坦福这样的名牌大学是因为聪明的孩子都这样。你考入医学院是因为它的地位高，人人都羡慕。你选择心脏病学是因为当心脏病医生的待遇很好。你做那些事能给你带来好处，让你的父母感到骄傲，令你的老师感到高兴，也让朋友们羡慕。

从你上高中开始，甚至初中开始，你的唯一目标就是进入最好的大学，所以现在你会很自然地从“如何进入下个阶段”的角度看待人生。“进入”就是能力的证明，“进入”就是胜利。

先进入斯坦福，然后是约翰霍普金斯医学院，再进入旧金山大学做实习医生等。或者进入密歇根法学院，或高盛集团或麦肯锡公司或别的什么地方。你迈出了这一步，似乎就必然会迈出下一步。

也许你可能确实想当心脏病学家。十岁时就梦想成为医生，即使你根本不知道医生意味着什么。你在上学期间全身心都在朝着这个目标前进。你拒绝了上大学预修历史课的美妙体验的诱惑，也无视你在医学院第四年儿科病床轮流值班时照看孩子的可怕感受。

但不管是那种情况，要么因为你使随大流，要么因为你早就选定了道路，后某天你醒来，你可能会纳闷到底发生了什么：你是怎么变成了现在这个样子，这一切意味着什么。

不是说在宽泛意义的事情，而是它对你意味着什么。你为什么做它，到底为了什么呢。这听起来像老生常谈，但这个被称为中年危机的“有一天醒来”的情况一直就发生在每个人身上。

真正的创新，是创造新的可能性，是创造你自己的生活

不过，还有另外一种情况，或许中年危机并不会发生在你身上。让我告诉你们一个你们的同龄人的故事来解释我的意思吧，即她是没有遇到中年危机的。

几年前，我在哈佛参加了一次小组讨论会，谈到这些问题。后来参加这次讨论的一个学生给我联系，这个哈佛学生正在写有关哈佛的毕业论文，讨论哈佛是如何给学生灌输她所说的“自我效能”，一种相信自己能做一切的意识。

自我效能或更熟悉的说法“自我尊重”。她说在考试中得了优秀的学生中，有些会说“我得优秀是因为试题很简单。”但另外一些学生，那种具有自我效能感或自我尊重的学生，会说“我得优秀是因为我聪明。”

我得再次强调，认为得了优秀是因为自己聪明的想法并没有任何错。不过，哈佛学生没有认识到的是他们没有第三种选择。当我指出这一点时，她十分震惊。

我指出，真正的自尊意味着最初根本就不在乎成绩是否优秀。真正的自尊意味着，尽管你在成长过程中的一切都在教导你要相信自己，但你所达到的成绩，还有那些奖励、成绩、奖品、录取通知书等所有这一切，都不能来定义你是谁。

她还说，哈佛学生把他们的这种自我效能带到了社会上，并将自我效能重新命名为“创新”。但当我问她“创新”意味着什么时，她能够想到的唯一例子不过是“当上世界大公司五百强的首席执行官”。

我告诉她这不是创新，这只是成功，而且是根据非常狭隘的成功定义而认定的成功而已。真正的创新意味着运用你的想象力，发挥你的潜力，创造新的可能性。

但在这里我并不是想谈论技术创新，不是发明新机器或者制造一种新药，我谈论的是另外一种创新，是创造你自己的生活。不是走现成的道路而是创造一条属于自己的道路。我谈论的想象力是道德想象力。“道德”在这里与对错无关，而与选择有关。道德想象力是那种能创造新的活法的能力。

它意味着不随波逐流，不是下一步要“进入”什么名牌大学或研究生院。而是要弄清楚自己到底想要什么，而不是父母、同伴、学校、或社会想要什么。即确认你自己的价值观，思考迈向自己所定义的成功的道路，而不仅仅是接受别人给你的生活，不仅仅是接受别人给你的选择。

比想象力更难的，是按自己的价值观行动的勇气

很多很多的孩子，在操场上等候上课的第一声铃响。小小的手，圈在爸爸的、妈妈的手心里，怯怯的眼神，打量着周遭。

道德想象力是困难的，这种困难与你已经习惯的困难完全不同。不仅如此，光有道德想象力还不够。如果你要创造自己的生活，如果你想成为真正的独立思想者，你还需要勇气：道德勇气。不管别人说什么，有按自己的价值观行动的勇气，不会因为别人不喜欢而试图改变自己的想法。

具有道德勇气的个人往往让周围的人感到不舒服。他们和其他人对世界的看法格格不入，更糟糕的是，让别人对自己已经做出的选择感到不安全或无法做出选择。只要别人也不享受自由，人们就不在乎自己被关进监狱。可一旦有人越狱，其他人都会跟着跑出去。

在《青年艺术家的肖像》一书中，作者詹姆斯乔伊斯让主人公斯蒂芬迪达勒斯就19世纪末期的爱尔兰的成长环境说出了如下的名言“当一个人的灵魂诞生在这个国家时，有一张大网把它罩住，防止它飞翔。你们给我谈论民族性、语言和宗教。但是我想冲出这些牢笼。”

今天，我们面临的是其他的网。其中之一是我在就这些问题与学生交流时经常听到的一个词“自我放任”。“在攻读学位过程中有这么多事要做的时候，试图按照自己的感觉生活难道不是自我放任吗?”“毕业后不去找个真正的工作而去画画难道不是自我放任吗?”

这些是年轻人只要思考一下稍稍出格的事就不由自主地质问自己的问题。更糟糕的是，他们觉得提出这些问题是理所应当的。许多学生在高年级的时候跟我谈论，他们感受到的来自同伴那里的压力，他们想为为创造性的生活或独特的生活正名。你生来就是为了体验你自己的疯狂的：疯狂地打破常规，疯狂地认为事事皆有可能，疯狂地想到你有天赋之权去尝试。

想象我们现在面临的局面吧。这是对我们个体，对道德，对灵魂的一个重要见证：美国社会思想的贫乏竟然让美国最聪明的年轻人认为听从自己的好奇心的行动就是自我放任。

你们得到的教导是应该上大学去学习，但你们同时也被告知如果你想学的东西不是大众认可的，那就是你的“自我放任”。如果你是自己学习自己感兴趣的东西的话，更是“自我放任”。

这是那个门子的道理?进入证券咨询业是不是自我放任?进入金融业是不是自我放任?像许多人那样进入律师界发财是不是自我放任?搞音乐，写文章就不行，因为它不能给人带来利益。但为风险投资公司工作就可以。追求自己的理想和激情是自私的，除非它能让你赚很多钱。那样的话，就一点儿也不自私了。

你看到这些观点是多么荒谬了吗?这就是罩在你们身上的网，就是我说的需要勇气的意思。而且这是永不停息的抗争过程。在两年前的哈佛事件中，有个学生谈到我说的大学生需要重新思考人生决定的观点，他说“我们已经做出了决定，我们早在中学时就已经决定成为能够进入哈佛的高材生。”

我在想，谁会打算按照他在12岁时做出的决定生活呢?让我换一种说法，谁愿意让一个12岁的孩子决定他们未来一辈子要做什么呢?或者一个19岁的小毛孩儿?。

唯一你能做出的决定是你现在在想什么，你需要准备好不断修改自己的决定。让我说得更明白一些。我不是在试图说服你们都成为音乐家或者作家。成为医生、律师、科学家、工程师或者经济学家没有什么不好，这些都是可靠的、可敬的选择。

我想说的是你需要思考它，认真地思考。我请求你们做的，是根据正确的理由做出你的选择。我在敦促你们的，是认识到你的道德自由并热情拥抱它。

篇11：斯坦福开学演讲

1. “你要做什么?”

我的题目提出的问题，当然，是一个经典的面向人文科学的专业所提出的问题：学习文学、艺术或哲学能有什么实效价值?

你肯定纳闷，我为什么在以科技闻名的斯坦福提出这个问题呢?大学学位当然是给人们带来众多的机会，这还有什么需要质疑的吗?

教育的意义大于上大学的意义，甚至大于你从幼儿园到研究生院所接受的所有正规学校教育的意义。

2. “有一天醒来”

你是如何从活泼能干的19岁年轻人，变成了只想一件事的40岁中年人?

除了在所有课程上都出类拔萃之外，你还注重修养的提高，充满热情地培养了一些特殊兴趣。你参加了许多课外活动，参加私人课程。你用几个暑假在本地大学里预习大学课程，或参加专门技能的夏令营或训练营。你学习刻苦、精力集中、全力以赴。所以，你可能在数学、钢琴、曲棍球等方面都很出色，甚至是个全能选手。

掌握这些技能当然没有错，全力以赴成为最优秀的人也没有错。错误之处在于这个体系遗漏的地方：即任何别的东西。

我并不是说因为选择钻研数学，你在充分发展话语表达能力的潜力方面就失败了;也不是说除了集中精力学习地质学之外，你还应该研究政治学;也不是说你在学习钢琴时还应该学吹笛子。毕竟，专业化的本质就是要专业性。

可是，专业化的问题在于它把你的注意力限制在一个点上，你所已知的和你想探知的东西都限界于此。真的，你知道的一切就只是你的专业了。

专业化的问题是它只能让你成为专家，切断你与世界上其他任何东西的联系，不仅如此，还切断你与自身其他潜能的联系。

当然，作为大一新生，你的专业才刚刚开始。在你走向所渴望的成功之路的过程中，进入斯坦福是你踏上的众多阶梯中的一个。再读三年大学，三五年法学院或医学院或研究型博士，然后再干若干年住院实习生或博士后或者助理教授。总而言之，进入越来越狭窄的专业化轨道。

我再强调一下，你这么做当然没有什么错。只不过，在你越来越深入地进入这个轨道后，再想回忆你最初的样子就越发困难了。

你开始怀念那个曾经谈钢琴和打曲棍球的人，思考那个曾经和朋友热烈讨论人生和政治以及在课堂内容的人在做什么。那个活泼能干的19岁年轻人已经变成了只想一件事的40岁中年人。

难怪年长的人总是显得那么乏味无趣。“哎，我爸爸曾经是非常聪明的人，但他现在除了谈论钱和肝脏外再无其他。”

还有另外一个问题，就是或许你从来就没有想过当心脏病医生，只是碰巧发生了而已。

随大流最容易，这就是体制的力量。我不是说这个工作容易，而是说做出这种选择很容易。或者，这些根本就不是自己做出的选择。

但不管是哪种情况，要么因为你是随大流，要么因为你早就选定了道路，20年后某天你醒来，你可能会纳闷到底发生了什么：你是怎么变成了现在这个样子，这一切意味着什么。

3. 创造新活法的能力

真正的创新，是创造新的可能性，是创造你自己的生活。

自我效能或更熟悉的说法“自我尊重”。她说在考试中得了“优秀”的学生中，有些会说“我得‘优秀’是因为试题很简单。”但另外一些学生，那种具有自我效能感或自我尊重的学生，会说“我得了‘优秀’是因为我聪明。”

我得再次强调，认为得优秀是因为自己聪明的想法并没有任何错。不过，哈佛学生没有认识到的是他们没有第三种选择。

当我指出这一点时，她十分震惊。

她还说，哈佛学生把他们的这种自我效能带到了社会上，并将自我效能重新命名为“创新”。

篇12：开学演讲发言稿

尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：

大家好！

非常开心在这个新的学期里和大家见面了，我是来自初一x班的xxx，经历了小学六年的历练，我们走到了现在的这个时刻，其实这对于我们每一个步入初中的人来说，我相信都是一次不错的开始，也是一次不错的启程。那么在这里，让我们用最为热情的心情宣誓，我们将走好今后的每一步，在成长的路上绝不回头，绝不落后！

成长是一条很艰苦的道路，在这一路上，我们要吃很多苦，也会经历很多的快乐。像我在六年级的时候，我总觉得自己不够优秀，所以学习起来非常的努力，有时候也会遭受一些打击，但是我从来没有退缩过。到了初中，我想我会更加强大一些，有一颗更为坚定的心，也有一个更好的状态，我知道初中的学习肯定是更要辛苦的，也是更需要我们自己的耐力的。所以我想用自己最好的一个状态去面对，也用自己全部的力量去实现自己所设立的目标。这是我的目标和方向，希望在座的同学们也能够为自己设立一个目标，制定一个前进的方向。

在这个新学期里，我们不要着急，即使我们刚刚进入初中，许多方面都不是很熟悉，我们不需要着急，我们可以慢慢来，就像是摸索一件从未用过的工具一样，了解它的实质，我们才有办法更好的利用它。对于接下来的时间，我想我们也应该把握好每一个阶段，争取成长，争取收获。只有这样稳步上升，我们的学习也会有一个明显的效果。

面对一个新的环境，一个新的集体，大家都会有一些不适应。这次和大家相处了这些天，我也和大家有了稍微的认识，我相信通过这一个学期，我们能够成为彼此最要好的朋友，我们也能够成为学习战场上的战友，彼此同行，彼此帮助。我们会在这三年的青春之中建立起我们的友谊之城，我们会在这岁月的磨炼和进步当中拥有一个更加完整的自己。同学们，你们做好了准备了吗？

如若你已经做好了准备，那么从此刻开始，我们就为自己制定一个小目标吧，不管是这一周，这一月，还是这一学期，这一年，我想，我们都需要一个目标指引前行，我们都需要一个方向给予信心。亲爱的同学们，让我们一起奋进吧！一起创造奇迹吧！

以上英语开学演讲范文（精选12篇）的内容，由互汇范文网-搜集整理分享。

英语开学演讲范文（精选12篇）

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